IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-S) 


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Fhotographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  west  MAIN  STRKT 

WIBSTER.N.Y.  14SM 

(716)  872-4503 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microraproductions  historiquas 


Tachnical  and  Bibliographic  Notas/Notaa  tachniquaa  at  bibliographiquaa 


Tlia 
tot 


Tha  Inatituta  liaa  attamptad  to  obtain  tha  baat 
original  copy  availabia  for  filming.  Faaturaa  of  thia 
copy  which  may  ba  bibliographically  uniqua. 
which  may  altar  any  of  tha  imagaa  in  tha 
raproduction.  or  which  may  aignificantly  changa 
tha  uaual  mathod  of  filming,  ara  chackad  balow. 


D 


n 


n 


Colourad  covara/ 
Couvartura  da  coulaur 


I     I   Covars  damagad/ 


Couvartura  andommaf  ^a 


Covars  rastorad  and/or  laminatad/ 
Couvartura  raataurte  at/ou  pailiculAa 


I      I   Covar  titia  missing/ 


La  titra  da  couvartura  manqua 


I      I   Coiourad  maps/ 


D 


Cartas  giographiquas  an  coulaur 

Colourad  Inic  (i.a.  othar  than  blua  or  black)/ 
Encra  da  coulaur  (i.a.  autra  qua  biaua  ou  noira) 


Colourad  platas  and/or  iiluatriitions/ 
Planchas  at/ou  illustrations  an  coulaur 


Bound  with  othar  matarial/ 
Rali6  avac  d'autras  documants 

Tight  binding  may  causa  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  re  liure  serrde  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  ia  long  da  la  marge  intiriaure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  reatoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certainaa  pages  blanches  ajouttes 
iors  d'una  restauration  apparaissent  dana  la  taxte, 
mais,  lorsque  ceia  4tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  M  fiimias. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppl^mentairas; 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  la  maiileur  axamplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  At6  poasible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
da  cet  exemplaira  qui  sont  peut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographiqua,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  mAthoda  normaia  de  filmage 
aont  indiquAs  ci-dessous. 


I     I   Coloured  pages/ 


D 


Pages  de  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagtes 

Pages  restored  and/oi 

Pages  restaurias  at/ou  palliculAes 

Pages  discoloured,  stainidd  or  foxe( 
Pages  dAcoior^es,  tacheties  ou  piqu6es 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  d^tachies 

Showthroughy 
Transparence 

Quality  of  prir 

Quality  inigale  de  I'impression 

Includes  supplementary  matarit 
Comprend  du  material  suppl^mantaire 


I — I  Pages  damaged/ 

I      I  Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 

r~i  Pages  discoloured,  stainidd  or  foxed/ 

I      I  Pages  detached/ 

r~2  Showthrough/ 

I      I  Quality  of  print  varies/ 

r~~|  Includes  supplementary  material/ 


Tha 
pos 
of 
fiiml 


Ori] 

beg 

the 

sior 

othi 

first 

sior 

orii 


The 
shal 
TIN 
whi 

iVIaf 
diff« 
enti 
begi 
righ 
requ 
metl 


I     I    Only  edition  available/ 


Seule  Edition  disponible 

Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totaiement  ou  partieilement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuiliet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  M  fiimdes  d  nouveau  de  fapon  A 
obtenir  la  meiiieure  image  possible. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  balow/ 

Ca  document  est  fiimt  au  taux  de  rMuction  indiquA  ci-dessous. 

10X  14X  18X  22X 


26X 


30X 


y 

12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


The  copy  filmed  here  hae  been  reproduced  thanke 
to  the  generosity  of: 

La  BibllothiqiM  de  li  Ville  da  MontrM 


L'exemplaire  film*  fut  reproduit  grice  A  la 
ginirositA  de: 

U  BiMiodiAqiM  da  la  Villa  da  Montrtel 


The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  Iceeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  pago  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — »>  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


Les  images  suivantes  ont  *t4  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin.  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  ot 
de  la  nettetA  de  rexemplaire  film*,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 

Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimte  sont  filmte  en  commenpant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
dernlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  la  second 
plat,  salon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  filmte  en  commenpant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  derniire  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparattra  sur  la 
derniire  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  -^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE".  le 
symbols  y  signifie  "FIN". 


Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
filmte  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diff Arents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  cliche,  11  est  film*  A  pertir 
de  Tangle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  n^cessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivsnts 
illustrent  la  mithode. 


1  2  3 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

'ZJ93 


I 


fzJ93^ 


'Mt-l-t-O 


DISCOURSB, 

y^\\^\    33G94 

IIELi^£RED  AT  MILFOHD, 


AUGUST  20th,  1812, 


THE  DAT 


RECOMMENDED  BY  THE  PRESIDENT 


f: 


?0» 


NATIONAL  HUMILIATION. 


BY  HUMPHREY  MOORE, 

f  AITOR  OV  THB  CHUKCH  IM  MILVORD* 


AMRfiRST,  Vli  H«- 
IrIMTSD  by  RICHARD  BOYLSTON. 

•  ••* 

181^ 


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7yJU.^»JS^.  «t 


■\ 


DISCOURSE. 


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i 


THIS  d:  7  is  recommended  by  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  as  a  convenient  time  for  this  nation  to 
humiliate  themselves  before  God,  "  on  the  solemn  occa- 
sion, produced  by  the  war,  in  which  he  has  been  pleased 
to  suffer  the  injustice  of  a  foreign  power  to  involve  these 
United  States/'  Our  Chief  Magistrate  has  not,  on  this 
day,  recommended  fasting.  He  has  not  recommended 
the  assembling  of  ourselves  together  for  the  purpose  of 
uniting  in  our  supplications  to  Almighty  God.  He  has 
not  recommended  abstinence  from  labor  and  recreation. 
But  from  what  he  has  said,  we  are  highly  gratified  that  we 
are  enabled  to  observe  this,  as  a  day  of  humiliation,  fasting 
and  social  worship.  It  was  r  ot  till  after  the  judgment 
of  war  was  declared  and  sent  upon  our  land,  we  were 
requested  to  humble  ourselves }  to  seek  divine  direction. 
It  was  not  recommended  to  us  to  present  our  petitions 
before  Almighty  God  to  prevent  the  calamity  of  war ; 
but  now  we  are  requested  to  beseech  him  to  **  bestow 
his  blessing  on  our  arms."  j 

When  any  of  the  judgments  of  Heaven  falls  upon  a 
nation,  it  is  a  sure  token  of  divine  displeasure.  National 
calamities  denote  national  sins.  Nineveh,  when  their 
destruction  impended^  fasted,  humbled  themselves,  and 
sought  the  pardoning  mercy  of  Heaven.  God  saw  their 
penitence ;  heard  their  prayers ;  and  turned  from  h'ls  fierce 
anger.  If  we  had  been  directed  to  humble  Ourselves  as 
a  nation,  and  had  humbled  ourselves  while  tht  judgments 
only  appeared  with  threatening"  aspect,  who  knows  but 
Goo.  would  so  have  disposed  the  hearts  of  our  enemies^ 
and  overruled  the  councils  of  our  government,  that  the 
present  calamity  would  have  been  averted  ? 

War  is  undoubtedly  the  heaviest  judgment  that  ever 
was  sent  upon  a  nation.  It  is  a  great  calaonity  that  the 
jjrodvctions  of  the  ground,  reared  by  oar  hands  forour 


/ 


^t: 


\ 


luhsistencc,  should  be  ravaged  by  an  enemy,  or  he  appro- 
priated to  the  support  of  our  own  soldiery.  It  is  a  great 
calamity  to  see  our  tieaiiest  conneiuons  called  to  the  6eld 
of  action  to  meet  the  weapons  of  death.  It  is  a  great 
calamity  to  be  called  nurB«lv«>ii  to  meet  our  enemy  ;  to 
slay  our  fellow  creatures,  or  to  (Al  victims  by  their  hands. 
When  three  judgments,  famine,  pestilence,  and  the 
sword,  were  ottered  to  the  choice  of  David,  he  desired 
that  he  might  not  fall  into  the  hands  of  men.  Although 
he  was  a  man  of  war  and  of  great  success  in  battle  ;  yet  he 
'Was  unwilling  to  encounter  Uie  enemy,  when  the  anger  of 
God  was  kindled  against  him.  Any  other  judgment  he 
chose  in  preference  to  this. 

The  solemnities  of  this  day  invite  our  attention  to  the 
natural  causes  of  the  war,  which  has  begun  to  afflict  us  ; 
to  its  expediency,  and  to  its  probable  effects. 

In  a  government  like  ours,  rulers  derive  their  polver 
from  ih6  people  ;  and  they  are  accountable  to  them  for 
the  use  of  the  authority,  with  which  they  are  vested. 
People  have  a  right  to  examine  the  official  conduct  of 
their  riders  i  and  to  judge  whether  they  have  been  faithful 
to  the  trust,  reposed  in  their  hands.  They  have  a  right, 
by  fair  Qnd  conatJtutionul  tn«iin«,  to  cdntinue,  or  discon- 
tinue them  in  office,  according  as  their  administration 
appears,  in  their  judgment,  to  promote,  or  injure  their 
general  interest.  They  have  a  right  to  the  freedom  of  the 
press  for  the  circulation  of  political  truth  ;  and  they  have 
a  right  to  the  freedom  of  speech  for  the  same  purpose. 
Of  this  latter  right,  the  right  of  freedom  of  speech  in  the 
cause  of  political  truth,  we  avail  ourselves  this  day.  if 
any  regret  the  privilege,  they  regret  one  of  the  most 
essential  privileges  of  a  republican  government.  They 
fail  in  one  point.  It  is  in  poUticar  as  in  the  moral  law, 
he,  that  faileth  in  one  point,  is  guilty  of  all. 

It  could  be  wished  that  a  brief  view  of  the  history  of 
our  nation,  since  the  adoption  of  the  federal  constitution, 
might  be  exhibited.  When  these  United  States  were 
formed  into  one  confederate  republic,  they  had  many 
difficulties  to  encounter.  Having  just  emerged  from  the 
oppression  of  a  monarchical  government,  their  minds 
were  scaiccly  prepared  for  rational  liberty.     In  view  of 


''iiip»»..,. 


'\ 


..::r..va.»;. 


the  field 


4he  eviUf  which  attended  a  new  nnd  infant  ffovernmcnt, 
there  were  some,  like  the  Israelites  in  the  wilderness,  who 
would  have  turned,  and  subjected  themselves  to  their  old 
task'inasters*  At  this  period,  the  nation  wns  burdened 
with  in  immense  debt.  It  required  groat  efforts  of  wis- 
dom to  invunt  sources,  and  systematize  methods  of 
revenue,  by  which  the  interest  might  annually  be  paid  ; 
the  debt  be  diminished  ;  and  the  expenses  of  government 
be  defrayed.  Sources  of  wisdom  appeared  in  the  admin- 
istration ;  and  they  foand  sources  of  revenue  in  almost 
every  part  of  the  world.  They  moved  the  wheels  of  the 
new  government  with  a  skill,  which  indicated  not  only 
wisdom,  but  the  experience  of  years. 

At  this  period  an  Indian  war  ravaged  our  frontier. 
The  savages  made  considerable  depredations ;  and  excited 
no  small  alarm  through  the  nation.  Instead  of  carrying 
war  among  them,  and  provoking  their  everlasting  revenge, 
treaties  of  peace  were  formed  with  them  ;  their  claims 
were  adjusted,  and  their  friendship  restored.  About  this 
time,  the  late  King  of  France  was  driven  from  his  throne 
and  from  the  world.  The  little  horns,  which  successively 
rose  from  the  ruins  of  his  empire,  pushed,  by  various 
methods,  to  implicate  this  nation  in  their  difficulties  and 
commotions.  Their  wiles  were  discovered  and  discon- 
certed ;  their  aggressions  upon  our  commerce  were 
bravely  resisted  and  adjustments  were  made.  Commer- 
cial treaties  were  formed  with  many  of  the  European 
powers,  which,  while  they  preserved  peace,  excited  and 
promoted  our  commercial  interest.  Arrangements  were 
made  for  restoring  to  their  country  many  of  our  seamen, 
who  were  retained  in  the  most  cruel  bondage.  Insurrec- 
tions, which  were  excited  in  our  country  by  foreign'^rs  and 
by  the  enemies  of  our  constitution,  were  happily  quelled 
and  tranquillity  restored. 

In  this  golden  age  of  our  country,  our  commerce 
extended  to  sdmost  every  part  of  the  world.  From  every 
climate  we  received  the  delights  of  life.  In  almost  every 
sea  we  found  sources  of  wealtii.  Agriculture  received  a 
stimulus,  which  animated  the  hearts  of  our  citizens  ; 
which  gave  life  and  energy  to  industry.  Arts,  sciences 
and  manufactures  flourished.  Instiiutio  ij,  of  the  most 
useful   naiurC)    wwrv'   cstablislicj,  and  prospered.      Our 


I' 


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government,  at  the  early  age  of  twelve  years,  had  acauired 
(he  maturity,  the  wisdom,  and  firmness  of  manhood.  A 
few  individual  errors*  had  not  8TO^<rn  into  habit ;  nor 
nfTccted  its  general  character.  They  only  proved  that 
"  to  err  is  human/' 

At  this  prosperous  era  of  our  country,  it  might  have 
been  expected  she  would  hiavc  been  contented  and  happy, 
liiit  in  tne  political,  as  in  the  physical  world,  what  is  rapid 
in  its  growth,  and  sudden  in  its  maturity,  is  rapid  in  its 
decline,  and  soon  becomes  extinctt  The  restless  mind  of 
man  is  ever  prone  to  change  ;  :md  it  delights  in  producing 
change.  Human  nature,  even  in  paradise,  was  not  satis- 
fied. It  sought  a  change  ;  and  it  experienced  a  fatal 
change* 

At  the  commencement  of  the  second  twelve  years  of 
oar  government,  a  material  alteration  took  place  in  its 
administration.  The  former  rulers,  like  fruit  imtimely 
ripe,  were  shaken  off  by  the  storm  of  opposition.  Here 
conimences  a  new  era  in  our  political  history.  New 
men,  elevated  to  the  first  offices  in  the  nation,  adopted  new 
measures ;  and  pursued  almost  a  new  syKtem.  They 
began,  by  reniovincr  from  honorable  and  profitable  offices 
men,  whose  political  characters  differed  from  their  own. 
Without  attempting  to  conciliate  parties  by  blending  both 
in  the  government,  they  monopolized  the  whole,  or  sdmost 
the  whole  of  the  authority,  which  lay  within  the  scope  of 
their  power.  The  repeal  of  the  judiciary  law  is  consider- 
ed an  invasion  upon  the  independence  of  that  department, 
vhich  in  a  republican  government  is  considered  a  grand 
support  of  civil  freedom.  The  repeal  of  taxes  on  the 
luxuries,  and  retaining  or  imposing  them  on  the  necessa- 
ries of  life,  favored  tlie  wealthy,  while  it  burdened  the 
poor  ;  favored  the  rich  of  the  southern,  while  it  threw 
expense  upon  the  peasantry  of  the  northern  states.  This 
alteration  in  the  source  of  revenue  appeared  to  savor  more 
ot  monarchical,  than  of  republican  principles.  The 
adopted  country  beyond  the  Missisippi,  it  is  confidently 
believed,  has  not  nearly  paid  the  interest  of  the  sum, 


*  Annies,  stamp  act,  taxes ^  sS'c, 


expended  in  its  purchase*  Besides,  it  renders  the  country 
unwieldy  for  a  republican  government ;  and  it  renders 
our  public  debt  also  unwiefdly.  The  sale  of  our  public 
vessels  destroyed  the  little  bulwark,  which  had  been  raised 
fer  the  defence  of  our  maritime  rights ;  and  invited  the 
aggression  of  foreign  powers  upon  our  unprotected  com- 
merce.  A  system  of  economy  was  projected,  and  put  in 
operation.  It  was  formed  upon  narrow,  shortsighted 
principles ;  and  executed  upon  a  broad  scale.  While  it 
abolished  offices  and  dried  up  sources  of  revenue,  it  never 
diminished  the  salaries  of  the  administration.  It  fed 
upon  the  treasury,  which  had  been  fattened  by  twelve 
years  of  plenty  ;  and  in  leaa  than  twelve  other  years,  it 
had  eaten  it  all  up  ;  and  like  the  lean  kine,  which  Pharaoh 
saw  in  vision  upon  the  brink  of  the  river,  it  was  lean,  and 
hungry,  and  illfavored  still.  These  measures  remotely 
affected  our  national  interest,  and  our  republican  princi- 
ples. But  it  was  reserved  to  a  later  period,  that  tho 
measures  of  the  administration  should  affect  the  vital 
fluids  of  the  nation. 

The  time  had  come,  when  the  Emperor  of  France 
had  projected,  and  begun  to  carry  into  effect  hia  conti- 
nental system  ;  a  system,  which  was  designed  to  injure 
the  commercial  interest  of  Great- Britain*  He  had  gained 
the  assistance  of  the  powers  of  Europe  to  aid  his  designs. 
He  was  not  indifferent  to  America.  He  used  means  to 
draw  her  into  his  views  ;  and  to  persuade  her  to  cooperate 
vrith  him  in  accomplishing  his  ambitious  projects. 

At  this  time  France  and  England  were  in  the  highest 
degree  of  collision ;  and  they  were  saturated  with  a  spirit 
of  retaliation.  They  both  strove  for  the  mastery  in 
the  art  of  revenge.  So  extensive  were  the  British  Orders 
and  the  French  Decrees  in  their  application,  that  they 
affected  the  commercial  interest  of  neutral  nations.  They 
essentially  affected  the  commercial  interest  of  America. 
Neither  admitted  this  t<J  be  their  object  j  nor  did  they 
attempt,  by  the  laws  of  nations,  to  vindicate  their  infringe- 
ment upon  neutral  rights  ;  but  maintained,  that  it  must 
be  submitted  to  as  a  necessary  result,  arising  from  their 
restrictive  and  retaliating  systems.  France  maintained 
that  she  would  not  relax  her  decrees,  unless  we  would 


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enter  tn|o  Keir  vlevrt  in  oppoftition  to  Engtend*  Greaf^ 
Britnin  maintained  that  ihe  would  not  irescind  lier  orders* 
unless  France  repealed  her  decrees.  Both^  Jedbus  for 
their  honor,  were  slow  to  be  first  in  relaxation  of  their 
systems.  We,  like  a  stripling  by  the  side  of  these  two 
contending  champions,  received  part  of  the  blow*  of  ench* 
Our  remonstrances,  our  negotiationa  for  yearst  proved 
fruitless. 

Instead  of  vindicating  our  maritime  rij|htB  by  a  manly 
renstance,  as  we  did  some  years  since  with  success,  our 
government  remanded  our  vessels  from  the  ocean ;  and 
closed  them  in  port*  Because  we  could  not  ei\)oy  unmo* 
lested  all  the  commercial  privileges  of  neutrality,  our 
government  prevented  us  from  the  enjoyment  of  any* 
We  assert  it  upon  high  authority,  that  **  the  field  of  com* 
mercial  enterprize,  after  allowing  to  the  decrees  and 
orders  their  full  and  practical  effect,  is  still  rich  and  ex- 
tensive.**  Because  wc  are  deuied  die  use  of  one  right  of 
ten,  shall  we  not  improve  the  nine  ?  Because  our  ftelda 
suffer  some  damage  from  the  elements,  uid  we  do  not 
gather  so  much  ns  we  might  odterwiBedo,8haU  we  not  plant 
and  sow  ?  Because  we  could  not  go  to  every  foreign  port 
with  safety,  should  we  not,  therefore,  go  to  any  i  Thia 
was  a  system  of  ret«l&tion,  wmdK  ttiij^t  liave  provoked 
the  enemy,  even  to  laughter.  After  a  longtnal  of  this 
experiment  upon  our  enemies,  and  upon  ourselves,  it  was 
relinquished)  not  having  produced  die  desired  effect.  In 
lieu  of  this,  the  non«intereourse  act  waa  estahlished  {  an 
act,  if  not  more  efficacious  abroad,  was  less  vexatious  at 
home.    All  these  polidcal  experiments  proved  meffectual. 

The  impressment  of  our  seamen  by  the  British,  is  a 
just  cause  of  complaint ;  and  one  cause  of  the  present 
declared  war.  MHien  our  citizens  are  taken  from  their 
honest  emplojrment,  and  eaimpeUed  into  British  service, 
American  indignation  rises  in  our  breasts.  We  sympa- 
thize with  the  unfortunate  sufferers.  We  would  use  eveiy 
effectual  measure  for  then*  restoration.  But  this  subject, 
at  first  view  apparently  so  plain,  is  not  free  from  difficulty* 
Great-Britain  asserts  her  rig^t  to  take  her  own  seamen 
upon  the  ocean  wherever  she  can  find  them  }  and  that  our 
flag  shall  not  secure  then)  from  her  service*    She  pretends 


'4  s] 


'"^mmv  Till  m>ii   iW0m 


fimm 


\^.\^ 


i\n  cUiiu  to  our  seamen  ;  and  none  are  taken  by  the  spirit 
of  her  uuthnrity.  But  upon  the  ocean,  the  great  hi(;h\vray 
of  nations,  there  are  pillaijers  of  men,  as  well  as  of  prop* 
erty.  The  wilful  outrage  of  an  individual  ought  not  to 
btigtnatizQ  his  government,  unless  it  countcnancev  such 
aggression.  There  is  such  a  similarity  between  Ameri- 
Ciin  and  F.iiglish  blood,  language,  manners,  aiKl  cuscoms 
tliut  it  is  dimcult  to  distinguish  the  diflfcrence.  The  Brit- 
ish, in  tlie  eager  search  of  her  own  seamen,  have  Home- 
times  taken  our  own  native  marines,  who,  for  want  of 
credentials  of  their  American  citizenship,  have  been  rC> 
tained  in  the  British  service.  But  when  has  then-  been 
one  retained,  after  he  had,  before  suitable  authority,  given 
proof  of  hiH  American  citizenship  i  Mistakes  like  these  ; 
and  lawless  aggressions  like  these  by  lawless  individuals, 
will  take  place  ;  and  if  this  be  a  proper  cause  of  offensive 
war,  we  shall  be  in  everlasting  war  with  some  foreign 
power.  The  claim  of  Great  Britain  to  her  seamen  in 
time  of  war  is  not  peculiar  to  her.  Other  European 
powers  claim  the  same  right.  Nor  is  this  a  new  claim  ; 
she  has  maintained  it  for  ages.  Should  she  relinquish 
this  claim,  the  direct  consequence  would  be  the  legal  right 
of  America  to  employ  British  seamen  to  the  neglect  of 
h'jr  own.  How  would  this  benefit  the  United  States  ? 
Would  it  be  better  to  encourage  foreigners  than  our  own 
sons  of  the  ocean  i  Do  wc  need  foreign  skill  and  bravery 
to  navigate  our  vessels  ;  and  defend  the  honor  of  our  flag  ? 
Will  not  the  number  of  our  seamen  increase  as  fast  as 
the  number  of  our  vessels  i  Shall  we  not  give  employment 
and  wages  to  our  own  citizens  in  preference  to  any  other  i^ 
Should  we  compel  Great-Britain  to  give  up  her  right  to 
her  own  seamen,  in  time  of  war,  it  would  be  more  dam> 
age,  tkan  benefit  to  this  nation.  Why  then  should  we 
make  war  to  compel  her  to  relinquish  this  claim  i 

Wc  are  not  inscnsil>le  of  the  injuries  we  haVe  received 
from  Great-Brit;iin  ;  nor  do  we  wish  to  conceal  them  IVom 
public  view.  We  wish  not  to  check  a  patriotic  glow  of 
indignation  for  the  wrongs  we  have  suffered.  Our  /^resent 
evils  are  not  the  only  evils  we  have  suffered  from  that 
maritime  power  ;  but  adjustments  were  then  made,  which 
j)reserved  our  national  hgn-ir,  and  promoted  our  commer- 

B 


>  X 


i 


4      1» 


v! 


H! 


1 


)  1 


10 


cial  Interest.  Could  not  similar  adjustments  again  have 
been  made  ?  A  treaty,  similar  in  principle  to  the  one, 
which  had  expired,  and  under  which  our  commerce  pros- 
pered, was  formed  by  oar  ministers,  who  were  sent  to 
England  for  that  purpose  ;  and  transmitted  to  our  govern- 
ment for  ratification  ;  a  treaty,  which  the  present  Secretary 
of  State  declared,  "  might  be  accepted  wkh  honor  and 
consistent  with  our  interest."  But  alas,  out  cup  of  suffer- 
ings was  not  then  full.  This  treaty  was  not  even  submit- 
ted to  the  consideration  of  the  Senate  ;  by  the  will  uf  one 
.  man  it  was  l-epressed. 

In  consequence  of  the  aggressions  of  the  British  nation 
upon  our  unprotected  commerce  and  in  consequence  of 
her  adherence  to  the  claim  of  her  seamen  in  time  of  war, 
an  OFFENSIVE  WAR  has  been  declared  by  our  government 
against,  thac  power.  Whether  th^se  are  a  sufficient  cause 
for  the  commencement  of  hostilities  the  poople  will  judge 
for  themselves. 

So  great  are  the  calamities  of  war  that  a  nation  ought 
not  to  be  precipitated  into  it  without  the  strongest  reasons. 
Every  mean  of  negotiation  should  be  used  before  the  fatal 
remedy  of  war  be  applied. 

However  different  people  may  be  in  their  opinion 
respecting  the  merits  of  the  came  of  the  present  war,  they 
may,  perhaps,  be  more  unanimous  respecting  its  expcdkn- 
cy.    The  present  war  cannot  be  expedient,  unless  it  pre- 
sents a  probability,  a  high  probability  that  it  will  occasion 
a  removal  of  the  evils  we  suffer  ;  and  that  it  will  not  pro- 
duce greater  evils  than  those  we  already  experience.    Our 
government  has  pushed  a  war  into  one  of  the  colonies  of 
England.     It  is  presumable  that  wc  have  a  sufficient  mili- 
tary force  in  this  country,  but  not  in  operation,  to  obtain 
it  by  conquest.      Without  saying  any  thing  about  the 
justice  of  shedding  the  blood  of  the  Canadians  (a  consid- 
erable proportion  of  whom  went  from  these  States)  for 
depredations,  made  upon  ua  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  isle 
of  Great-Britain,  we  ask,  how  will  the  conquest  of  Canada 
remove  the  evil  of  the  impressment  of  our  seamen  ?  Will 
this  conquest  enable  the  English  to  make  a  more  accurate 
distinction  between  the  appearance  of  an  American  and  a 
British  seamaa  ?  Will  this  conquest  dispose  England  to 


I 


-s 


V 


%» 


PJs  again  have 
pie  to  the  one, 
pomnierce  pros- 
o  were  sent  to 
Itoourgovern- 
-sent  Secretary 
«n  honor  and 
.  cupofsufFer- 
lt  even  submit- 
|ne  will  of  one 

-  '»-'tish  nation 
'nsequcncc  of 
time  of  war,     . 

^government 
ihcicnt  cause 
'le  will  judge 

nation  ought 
?est  reasons, 
oie  the  fual 


'^'*"  opinion 
'It  war,  thev 
ts  expcdien- 
less  it  pre- 

|1  occasion 
11  not  pro- 
nce.    Our 
olonies  of 
=ient  mill- 
to  obtain 
»bout  the 
a  consid- 
ates)  for 
f  the  isle 
^  Canada 
a  ?  Will 

accurate 
m  and  a 
;land  to 


11 


withhold  the  power  she  has  of  impressing  our  scarncn  i 
Will  our  inroads  upon  her  territorial  property  prevent  her 
from  making  aggressions  upon  our  commercial  interests  ? 
or  will  they  dispose  her  to  friendship  and  peace;  and  divest 
her  of  maritime  power  ?  Will  the  conqaest  of  Canada  dis- 
pose her  to  relinquish  her  maritime  principles,  Avhich  she 
considers  essential  to  her  existence,  to  regain,  by  cession 
from  the  United  States,  the  lumber  and  fur  of  tliis 
rorihern  province  ? 

Suppose  the  conquest  of  Canada  will  do  some  injury 
to  Great- Britain,  how  will  it  benefit  us  ?  Will  she  make 
a  profitable  exchange  to  us  by  restoring  our  captured 
property  for  regaining  this  colony,  which,  at  any  time  as 
well  as  the  present,  may  h^  conquered  ;  and  must  be  pur- 
chased by  her  as  often  as  conquered  ?  In  this  view  will 
she  make  any  considerable  remuneration  to  us  for  the  re- 
gaining of  this  territory  ?  Is  it  designed  to  incorporate  it 
with  these  States  ;  and  make  it  a  subject  of  our  goverjp- 
ment?  Our  territory  is  already  large,  very  large  to 
be  subject  to  a  lepublican  government.  Will  the  hetero- 
geneous mass  of  the  population  of  Canada  add  strength  to 
the  bond  of  our  national  union  ?  Will  the  addition  of  that 
population,  a  great  part  of  which  is  the  last  scum  of  vari- 
ous nations,  add  weight  to  our  national  honor ;  or  favor 
correct  principles  among  our  citizen*  ?  The  great 
acquisitions  of  territory,  which  our  nation  is  making, 
have  a  direct  tendency  to  divide  the  interests  of  the  dif- 
iereut  parts  of  the  widely  extended  country  ;  to  make  a 
permanent  division  of  the  population  in  political  senti- 
ment ;  and  to  hasten  the  dissolution  of  our  republic. 

The  war,  which  our  government  has  commenced 
upon  the  ocean,  at  this  particular  time,  appeavs  to  be  no 
less  inexpedient.  War  was  declared  at  a  time,  when 
hundreds  of  our  vessels,  thousands  of  our  seamen,  mil- 
lions of  our  property  were  floating,  unprotected  on  the 
seas.  Our  government's  plea,  that  they  had  given  notice 
of  the  danger,  that  they  had  laid  an  embargo  upon  our 
vessels,  proves  their  pertinacity  to  their  favorite  system, 
a*  the  risk  of  our  property,  and  the  lives  of  our  seamen. 
It  i-»'oves  the  inefficiency  of  all  their  commercial  restric- 
tions,   Our  government,  who  expressed  so  much  indigua* 


r'^ 


A:^* 


12 


tJon  at  impressment  of  0...  „„, 

probably  never  i-*>ar.f  *i-       .  '''•"^'^  harvest  thp   v     i-  . 

ftis  flock  among  the  wolves  S    ^^^L'nan  would  turn 
«"»■=  principles  orp' acUct  """'  *"  «'""i''-h  K aT 

Jnexped  ent    it  an,,^  ""^f",  to  be  procured.     T*  ' 


\. 


'>%»•««««.*, 


>> 


13 


^«  capture  ct 
>•  at  this  June. 
»  and  probably 
seamen  to  be 
•e  taten  pris- 
taken  in  many 
ees,  Tvhile  tve 
.was  this  via- 
'nst  our  prop. 

"ng  from  our 
e  *;ngland  to 
^'''W  bQ  com- 
Hintcracis,  i„ 
^'  ,  Jiut  the 
>«  lost  giveg 
"^  with  that 
'.would  turn 
'"g  his  dogs 
"avy  cannot 
^  ner  mari- 

when  our 
Jd  scarcely 
*  this  dec- 
'  TOi-iifieci  J 
ft  appears 
'  '«  an  un- 
y>  Who  is 

to  be  an 
this  Were 
yimercial 
"h  heart 
lould  the 
f  War  be 
inguish- 
'  rehict- 
se,  who 
e  such 
'ecified 


detachnr.enls  of  militia  ;  an'?  "pare  them  for  their  ap- 
pointed destinations  ?  "Wh;ii  json  can  be  assigned  for 
this  backwardness  ?  They  do  \.<nfcel  the  war  to  be  neces- 
sary and  expedient ;  a  war  spirit  has  not  fired  their  breasts. 
Let  our  country  be  invaded  ;  let  hostilities  commence  on 
the  land,  which  is  consecrated  to  peace  and  freedom ; 
and  we  shall  not  need  to  wait  to  offer  bounties  ;  to  increase 
the  wages  of  the  soldier  ;  to  rake  the  gloomy  cells  of  the 
prison.  War  will  glow  i.i  every  heart.  War  will  appear 
in  every  hand.     War,  war  will  resound  from  every  mouth. 

War  appeared  inexpedient  at  the  time  of  its  -.leclara- 
tion,  because  the  prospect  at  that  time,  or  about  thai  time, 
appeared  more  favorable  for  the  adjustment  of  difficulties 
than  it  had  appeared  for  a  long  time  before.  One  very 
importitot  difficulty,  and,  in  its  nature  the  most  aggravat- 
ing, had  been  settled.  If  satisfaction  had  been  made  for 
the  dead,  it  might  be  hoped  it  would  be  made  for  the  in- 
jured living.  If  satisfaction  had  been  made  for  life,  it, 
might  be  hoped  that  satisfaction  would  be  made  for  prop- 
erty. The  administration  had  long  maintained  that  the 
French  decrees  were  repealed,  on  whose  repeal  the  Brit- 
ish government  engaged  to  rescind  their  orders,  as  they 
respected  us.  While  our  administration  maintained  their 
position,  the  British  Minister  called  for  documents,  which 
should  prove  that  an  official  and  effectual  repeal  had  taken 
place.  Upon  this  evidence  he  declared  that  the  Orders  iii 
Council  should  be  annulled.  No  such  evidence  was  then 
exhibited  j  negotiation  ceased,  and  war  was  declared. 
Immediately  after  the  declaration  of  war  by  our  govern- 
ment, the  requested  evidence  of  th«  repeal  of  the  decrees 
was  exhibited  ;  and  the  English  government,  agreeably  to 
their  declaration,  repealed  their  ordcj  s.  There  is  some 
obscurity  attending  the  dates  and  circumstances  of  these 
transactions.  Conjecture  is  alive.  Time  will  probably 
develope  the  mystery.  It  is  regretted  that  these  trans- 
actions did  not  take  place  at  an  earlier  date.  It  is  still 
hoped  that  they  will  lead  to  a  ttrmination  of  hostilities, 
and  to  a  settlement  of  all  our  national  difTicultioF. 

In  reviewing  the  restrictive  measures  of  government 
on  our  commerce,  there  is  appearance  cf  a  departure  from 
foreign  impartinlity  ;  a  departure  from  neutral  principles. 


•^WP^' 


«.  i-  ^.  J^'"*'-^*  m^' 


14 


n  ■'! 


Far  be  it  from  us  to  ,», 

c'gn  partiality,  or  vrithf^^-  ®"*'  «<imini«triit}«„     •  u  . 

too  plain  to  iJ^^dfsZVT'^u'"^"^"'^^-    fe 

system,  which  th?    t  ♦  *''*^  the  restrictivf     "  '*  ^  'act, 

comporMwhh  th7r  ^r  «^'^Pt-<l  for  somV  '°"»™«rciai 

^as  unequalin  it,  !i°'"'"«ntal  system  of  7,  ^^''•«  P««t. 

that  quarter  of /^     f  .'^*'  *°«^ard  the  Ttvn   •    .*"**P« '    and 

preserved  .:/  ^\^^^^^'    U  an  ea  Jl-  ""^^^  P^^e"  of 

"HthHea^Kjl^^^''^^^^^^^  -four 

^^''"Itl  not  easil?h/'*'''  ^*"'*^d  a  con^meS    ?r°speritv 

not  easily  be  eLh  "P!;T^^-    CommSl  W^'^^'^h 

restrictive  la«?    ^"^^^^  'o''  any  other     ?JS. ^^''^Jf*  <^o"W 

^^t  our  gove^' "P?  °"'-  trade  hasnot  bee^'"?  °^.'^^  '^^e 

the  sea  ■Zl^^^'l^  '^'^rain  the  river,  f      "^^^  ^>'  violated? 

from  thSr  own'^r„iS^«  t^ey  m^y"  resTr^i^  "^^  "^'  ««^ 
of  commercid  enJ!  "'  '  ^^^  thby  mJv  rf  °^\^^»mm 
has  been  protec^f  i  'P'"!? ^  ^^ our  citizens^  n  '*  ^'^^  »P'"t 
destrove/.  anS  !?*  ^^  P'-^^te^ed  "m  it*  h.   "k  ^°"»»«erce 

The  timer  doe/lo?^  ^'"^-'^  ^'«  ♦eg^^^^^^^^        °^  *^« 

tration  when 'rsorL/reJ'^''""'-"^^^^^^^^ 

to  market.    He  be^f  t      ^^P '  ^"d  when  and  wt  ^'""" 

interest.    Oiiit      '  *"°^»  his  own  busJn-  ,  ""^  to  go 

^d  ther  imeTe  t  ';?T^  «^  S  Cw  M  ""^.^'^  "^^« 
'^^''h  not  fo  be  h  '  ^  *^'-^  suffer  iniSr  '*,"'^"=«« 
suffered  m^  *»e  burdened  at  home     "ff     *.  ^^^^^d,  they 

.      A  position  for  defenr«  •      , 


i 


is 


^'on  with  for. 
« 'tis  a  fact, 
commercial 
'  years  past, 
"^opej   and 
"  powers  of 
=o«W  not  be 
•y>  and  par- 
*e  our  high- 
P  flot  mate 
/cct  ? 

w^Jch  our 
»erve,  that 
?enius  and 
jhyofour 
Prosperity 
•!:«.  which 
''ts  could 
o^theiate 
violated? 
^yinginto 
-  rise  and 

seamen 
the  spirit 

^mmerce 
^  almost 
'  of  the 
"selves, 
rfniinis- 
re  to  go 

''Sown 
usincss 
»  they 
obably 

|e,  is 
or  an 
a  the 
ngth 
with 


them  the  menns  of  defence  ;  without  carrying  with  thcnll 
arguments,  more  powerful, convincing,and  conclusive  than 
treaties  !  Our  nation  has  become  sufficiently  commerv  iai, 
and  sufficiently  wealthy  to  build  and  support  :|  navy  for  the 
protection  of  our  trade.  When  this  is  effected,  then  and 
not  till  then,  shall  we  be  respected  on  the  high  sens  ;  be 
treated  with  justice,  and  negotiate  to  the  best  advantage 
with  foreign  nations. 

Clouds  of  difficulty  and  vengeance  hang  over  our  coun- 
try. War  is  commenced.  Our  frontiers  are  exposed.  Our 
sea  coast  is  almost  defenceless.  Our  country  is  distracted 
with  discord.  Our  public  councils  are  bewildered.  Far 
be  it  from  U8  to  add  to  the  evils  we  suffer.  Far  be 
be  it  from  us  to  administer  fuel  to  the  fire  of  faction.  Far 
be  it  from  us  to  encourage  opposition  to  the  laws  of  the 
j)resent  administratioiu  It  is  better  to  engage  in  any  war, 
which  may  be  projected,  howevei"  unnecessary  and  inex- 
pedient, than  to  involve  ourselves  in  civil  war  and  destroy 
the  wise  fabric  of  our  government.  We  stiUpossess  the 
supreme  power  of  the  natioti.  Under  Divine  Providence, 
we  hold  iJie  means  of  our  preservation.  If  our  rulers 
have  not  been  guided  by  wisdom  ;  if  their  exfjerimental 
systems  have  involved  us  in  difficulty  and  danger,  we  still 
hold  the  means  of  escape.  We  still  possess  the  power  of 
electing  our  own  rulers  :  and  of  electing  them  often.  W^ 
possess  the  power  of  choosing;  men  to  office,  who  will  fa- 
vor our  views  and  desires.  This  is  our  highest  civil  priv- 
ilege. We  ought  to  improve  it  withodt  abuse.  The  times 
of  our  elections  are  near.  We,  as  a  nation,  can,  if  we  please, 
check  the  current  of  our  present  policy  ;  turn  the  channef 
of  our  national  affairs  ;  and  pursue  a  system,  which  has 
been  proved  with  success.  If  we  have  lost  our  first  love. 
We  still  have  a  name  to  live.  There  is  still  wisdom  anc! 
virtue  in  our  nation.  Let  new  fountains  of  wisdom  be 
sought  out.  Let  them  be  publicly  opened  ;  and  we  trust 
that  their  salubrious  streams  will  give  a  new  aspect  to  our 
country  ;  and  be  for  the  healing  of  the  nation.  But  if  our 
nation  clioose  to  persevere  in  the  present  system  ;  if  they 
choose  to  live  under  the  home-made  restraints  of  trade,  and 
see  the  hand  of  industry  wither  for  the  want  of  support  j 
if  they  choose  to  urge  the  contest  abroad;    if  our  cup 


y^  ' 


1« 


must  be  filled ;    if  they  tvill  have  it  so,  great  God,  ouf 
sins  deserve  it  all* 

At  this  eventful,  this  glooitjy  period  of  our  country, 
there  is  the  highest  necessity  of  a  union  of  sentiment,  a 
union  of  heart,  a  union  of  exertion  in  cur  nation*  Our 
cause  is  one  ;  our  interest  is  one  ;  our  destiny  is  one. 
We  need  the  union  of  all  our  wisdom.  We  need  the 
union  of  all  our  strength.  We  ought  to  look  to  our  con- 
stitution, under  Divine  Providence,  for  the  salvation  of 
our  country)  as  we  look  to  the  gospel  for  the  salvation  of 
the  world* 

However  great  the  evils  are,  which  we  suffer ;  how- 
ever gloomy  our  prospect  is,  and  however  great  our  fears, 
we  see  rays  of  hope*  We  have  ground  of  consolation 
and  support.  Our  cause  is  with  the  Lord.  Though  jars 
and  discords  disturb  our  peace,  and  convulsions  agitate 
the  state  ;  though  civil  governments  rise  and  fall ;  yet 
the  Supreme  Being  rules  above.  He  moves  the  wheels 
of  his  government  with  perfect  regularity,  and  without 
interruption.  He  overrules  the  governments  of  nationsk 
With  Him  is  the  destiny  of  states  and  empires.  He 
makes  them  instruments  of  his  purposes.  To  Him  we 
submit  our  cause  ;  to  Him  we  look  for  direction* 

Hi.  I  there  been  ten  righteous  In  SoJgm,  the  prayer 
of  Arbaham  would  have  prevailed*  ITie  place  would  have 
been  saved*  Is  diere  not  this  small  proportion  of  our 
nation  righteous  ?  Are  there  not  prayers  like  those  of 
faithful  Abraham,  offered  this  day  before  the  throne  of 
Heaven  ?  Will  not  the  Load  for  th?  righteous'  sake, 
will  not  the  Lord  for  his  great  name's  sake,  deliver  us 
from  judgments,  and  save  our  nation  i  Have  faith  in 
Goo. 


--^.«  "\  ^1 


;  God,  oUf 

mr  cotmtry, 
entiment,  a 
ition.  Our 
iny  is  one. 
e  need  the 
to  our  con- 
salvation  of 
salvation  of 

iffer;  how- 
it  our  fears, 
consoliition  ■ 
"hough  jars 
ions  agitate 
I  fall;  yet 
the  wheels 
nd  without 
of  nationst 
pires.  He 
o  Him  we 
a. 

the  prayer 
would  have 
ion  of  our 
ce  those  of 
i  throne  of 
eous'  sake, 
,  deliver  us 
ve  faith  in 


*■■■ 


